An Introduction to Political Sociology discusses how sociologists have organized the study of politics into conceptual frameworks, and how each of these frameworks foster a sociological perspective on power and politics in society. This includes discussing how these frameworks can be applied to understanding current issues and other "real life" aspects of politics. The authors connect with students by engaging them in activities where they complete their own applications of theory, hypothesis testing, and forms of inquiry.
There are nonetheless, several places in his analysis of capitalism where Marx did direct his attention to criminality and law. Thus, in what follows I will be focusing on the implications of the Marxist paradigm as well as relying heavily on those Marxist writings that directly addressed these issues.
As with the general Marxist theory, the starting point for the understanding o f society is the realization that the 'most fundamental feature of peoples' lives is their relationship to the mode of production. The mode of production consists of both the means of production the technological processes and the relationship of different classes to the means of production-whether they own them or work for those who do.
Since ultimately, the only source of an economic surplus is that amount of goods which is produced beyond what the worker consumes, then the distinction between those who own and those who work for others is crucial to understanding the control of the surplus in the society.
All of this is of course elementary Marxism and was only briefly summarized here to get us started. We must then speak of historical periods according to the mode of produc- tion which characterizes them. The most fundamental distinction would be between those societies where the means o f production are owned privately, and societies where the means of production are not.
University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway. Each of these different modes of produc- tion would of course lead to quite different social relations and therefore to different forms of crime and criminal law.
Capitalist societies, where the means o f production are in private hands and where there inevitably develops a division between the class that rules the owners of the means of production and the class that is ruled those who work for the ruling classcreates substantial amounts of crime, often of the most violent sort, as a result of the contradictions that are inherent in the structure of social relations that emanate from the capitalist system.
The first contradiction is that the capitalist enterprise depends upon creating in the mass of the workers a desire for the consumption of products produced by Chambliss crime essay j politics power william system.
However, in order to produce the commodities that are the basis for the accumulation of capital and the maintenance of the ruling class, it is also necessary to get people to work at tedious, alienating and unrewarding tasks.
One way to achieve this, of course, is to make the accumulation of commodities depen- dent on work. Moreover, since the system depends as it does on the desire to possess and consume commodities far beyond what is necessary for survival, there must be an added incentive to perform the dull meaningless tasks that are required to keep the productive process expanding.
This is accomplished by keeping a proportion of the labor force impoverished or nearly so. And hanging over the heads of the workers is always the possibility of becoming impoverished should they refuse to do their job.
Thus, at the outset the structure of capitalism creates both the desire to consume a n d - f o r a large mass of p e o p l e - a n inability to earn the money necessary to purchase the items they have been taught to want. A second fundamental contradiction derives from the fact that the division of a society into a ruling class that owns the means of production and a subservient class that works for wages inevitably leads to conflict between the two classes.
As those conflicts are manifest in relbellions and riots among the proletariat, the stale, acting in the interests of the owners of the means of production will pass laws designed to control, through the application of state sanctioned force, those acts of the proletariat which threaten the interests of the bourgeoisie.
In this way, then, acts come to be defined as criminal. It follows that as capitalism develops and conflicts between social classes continue or become more frequent or more violent as a result, for example, of increasing proletarianizationmore and more acts will be defined as criminal.
The criminal law is thus not a reflection of custom as other theorists have arguedbut is a set of rules laid down by the state in the interests of the ruling class, and resulting from the conflicts that inhere in class structured societies; criminal behavior is, then, the inevitable expression of class conflict resulting from the inherently exploitative nature of the economic relations.
What makes the behavior of some criminal is the coercive power of the state to enforce the will of the ruling class; criminal behavior results from the struggle between classes whereby those who are the subservient classes individually express their alienation from established social relations.
Criminal behavior is a product of the economic and political system, and in a capitalist society has as one of its principal consequences the advancement of techno- logy, use o f surplus labor and generally the maintenance of the established relationship between the social classes. Marx says, somewhat facetiously, in response to the functionalism of bourgeois sociologists: Thus the criminal comes in as one of those natural "counterweights" which bring about a correct balance and open up a whole perspective of "useful" occupation.
Torture alone has given rise to the most ingenious mechanical inventions, and employed many honorable craftsmen in the production of its instruments.
They provide us with a whole set of glasses through which we view the world. Most importantly, they lead us to empha- size certain features of the world and to ignore or at least de-emphasize others.
On the content and operation of criminal law 1. Acts are defined as criminal because it is in the interests of the ruling class to so define them. Members of the ruling class will be able to violate the laws with impunity while members of the subject classes will be punished.
As capitalist societies industrialize and the gap between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat widens, penal law will expand in an effort to coerce the proletariat into submission.
On the consequences of crime for society 1. Crime reduces surplus labor by creating employment not only for the criminals but for law enforcers, locksmiths, welfare workers, professors of criminology and a horde of people who live off of the fact that crime exists.
Crime diverts the lower classes' attention from the exploitation they experience, and directs it toward other members of their own class rather than towards the capitalist class or the economic system.
Crime is a reality which exists only as it is created by those in the society whose interests are served by its presence. On the etiology of criminal behavior 1.This item: Power, Politics, and Crime by William J Chambliss Paperback $ Only 1 left in stock - order soon.
Sold by LTtechno and ships from Amazon Fulfillment.5/5(1). Power, Politics And Crime - Ebook written by William J Chambliss. Read this book using Google Play Books app on your PC, android, iOS devices. Download for offline reading, highlight, bookmark or take notes while you read Power, Politics And Crime/5(2).
Power, Politics, and Crime by William J. Chambliss Hardcover, Pages, Published ISBN / ISBN / In the United States today, we are on the verge of fulfilling a nightmare scenario.
Buy Power, Politics And Crime by William J. Chambliss from Waterstones today! Click and Collect from your local Waterstones or get FREE UK delivery on orders over £ Buy State Crime in the Global Age 1 by William J. Chambliss, Raymond Michalowski, Ronald Kramer (ISBN: ) from Amazon's Book Store.
Everyday low prices and free delivery on Format: Paperback. According to William J Chambliss in his book Power, Politics and Crime written in , the Joint Economic Committee of the U.S Congress estimated that $4 Billion was lost from street crimes while $ billion was lost by corporate crime, 50 times more, although there is huge uncertainty in to white collar crime, the extent of the crimes have.